Report

of the Committee of Privy Councillors appointed to inquire into the interception of communications

 

Presented to Parliament by the Prime Minister by Command of Her Majesty October 1957

 

LONDON

HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE PRICE 1s. 9d. NET

 

Cmnd.283

 

CONTENTS

 

Introduction

 

Part I.- The authority of the Secretary of State to intercept communications

 

Part II.-Purpose, use and extent of the power of interception

1. Purpose

2. The Marrinan Case

3. Use and Result ...

4. Members of Parliament...

5. Unauthorised tapping

 

Part III .-Suggested future use of the power of interception

 

Summary of Conclusions and Recommendations

 

Reservation by Mr. P. C. Gordon Walker

 

Appendix I

 

Appendix II

 

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF PRIVY COUNCILLORS APPOINTED TO INQUIRE INTO THE INTERCEPTION OF COMMUNICATIONS

 

To the Right Honourable Harold Macmillan, M.P.

 

We, the undersigned Privy Councillors, having been appointed “to consider and report upon the exercise by the Secretary of State of the executive power to intercept communications and, in particular, under what authority, to what extent and for what purposes this power has been exercised and to what use information so obtained has been put; and to recommend whether, how and subject to what safeguards, this power should be exercised and in what circumstances information obtained by such means should be properly used or disclosed,” submit the following Report.

 

2. We were appointed on 29th June, 1957, and we held our first meeting in private on 2nd July. We held 16 further meetings for the purposes of discussion and 12 meetings for the hearing of oral evidence.

 

3. We heard evidence from all the Secretaries of State for the Home Department who have held office since 1939, the Permanent Under-Secretary of State at the Home Office, and the officers in charge of those authorities that use interception of communications as part of their work.

 

4. We received much assistance on the law from the Lord Chancellor, the Attorney-General, Sir Edwin Herbert. and others. Sir Hartley Shawcross gave evidence about the Marrinan case. We also received a number of valuable memoranda. We called for records and files selected at random, and examined them.

 

5. We have confined our detailed investigations to the interception of communications over the last twenty years - that is to say, to the period from 1937 to 1957. This period covers pre-war and post-war practice. and the practice under both the Administrations that have held office since the war .

 

6. We have looked into the practice and procedure of a number of foreign countries, Commonwealth countries and Colonial Territories.

 

7. Following the example of the Secret Committee of both Houses of Parliament appointed in 1844 to consider the same problem that has been referred to us. we decided not to publish the evidence and so informed those who gave evidence before us.

 

8. We set out our conclusions and recommendations at length in the pages that follow. The gist of our Report may be thus summarised: -

 

(1)     The origin of the power to intercept communications can only be surmised. but the power has been exercised from very early times; and has been recognised as a lawful power by a succession of statutes covering the last 200 years or more.

(2)     There is some difference of view on the authority to intercept telephone messages. On one view the power is identical with the power to open letters and rests on the ancient power to intercept communications. Another view is that the power rests on a comparatively modern statute. We discuss these views fully in our Report. (Paragraphs 9-52.).

(3)     The power to intercept communications is exercised for the prevention and detection of serious crime and for the preservation of the safety of the State.

(4)     The power is now almost exclusively exercised by the Metropolitan Police. the Board of Customs and Excise and the Security Service. II is used with the greatest care and circumspection, under the strictest , rules and safeguards. and never without the personal considered approval of the Secretary of State. (Paragraphs 62-90.)

(5)     The use of the power has been effective in detecting major criminals and preventing injury to national security. (Paragraphs 107- 113.)

(6)     The exercise of the power in these limited spheres should be allowed to continue under the same strict rules and supervision and in the special circumstances we have set out. The criminal and the wrongdoer should not be allowed to use services provided by the State for wrongful purposes quite unimpeded, and the Police, the Customs, and the Security Service ought not to be deprived of an effective weapon in their efforts to preserve and maintain order for the benefit of the community. (Paragraphs 132-152.)

(7)     The interference with the privacy of the ordinary law-abiding citizen or with his individual liberty is infinitesimal, and only arises as an inevitable incident of intercepting the communications of some wrongdoer. It has produced no harmful consequences.

(8)     Mr. Gordon Walker has reservations to sub-paragraphs (6) and (7) which he sets out in a separate Note of his own. (Paragraphs 170-179.)

 

 

PART I

 

THE AUTHORITY OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO INTERCEPT COMMUNICATIONS

 

9. The origin of the authority of the Executive to intercept communications is obscure, and it is not surprising that conflicting views about the source of the power have been placed before us. The first public reference to the warrant of the Secretary of State authorising the opening of letters is in the Proclamation of May 25th, 1663, which forbade the opening of any letters or packets by anybody, except by the immediate warrant of the Principal Secretary of State. But long before this date the practice of opening letters had been followed.

 

10. It is a singular circumstance that the source of the power has never been the subject of judicial pronouncement, and the text-book writers have not discussed it in any fullness. In the fourth edition of Anson's Law and Custom of the Constitution, Vol. II, Part II, for example, the subject is thus dealt with: -

 

“The right and the duty, if occasion requires, of detaining and opening letters in the Post Office rests in Great Britain upon the Home Secretary in Northern Ireland upon the Governor. This `power, which extends to telegraphic communications, is occasionally, though not frequently, used….and is extended to telegrams….”

 

11. The existence of the power from early times has frequently been acknowledged; its exercise has been publicly known; and the manner of its exercise has been the subject of public agitation from time to time, and has been made the subject of debate in the House of Commons and the House of Lords. In the year 1844, a great agitation arose in the country, because the Secretary of State, Sir James Graham, had issued a warrant to open the letters of Joseph Mazzini; and after debates in both Houses of Parliament. two Secret Committees were set up, one of the House of Commons and one of the House of Lords. Both Committees were asked to inquire into the state of the law in respect of the detaining and opening of letters at the General Post Office. It is significant that both Committees avoided any discussion of the source of the authority upon which the Secretary of State exercised his power, and were content to recognise the existence of the power to intercept communications, and to rely upon the various statutes which refer to the existence of the power. This is significant because in the debates which preceded the setting up of the Committees, the origin of the power had been discussed. In the House of Lords, Lord Campbell, who was at that time a member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council: and afterwards was to be Lord Chief Justice and Lord Chancellor, discussed the question, and in his Autobiography he says :-

 

“In the debates which arose this session upon the practice of opening letters at the Post Office under a warrant from the Secretary of State, I contended that it was neither authorised by common law nor statute, although the Secretary of State, like any other magistrate, or indeed any private individual, may seize and detain documents which constitute evidence of the commission of a crime.”

 

12. On the question of law, the Committee of the House of Commons reported:

“The inquiry, therefore. what the state of the law now is respecting such detention and opening, is reduced to the inquiry what the state of the law was, respecting the same matter immediately upon the passing of the Statute of Anne .... the law on the matter In question was the same in 1711 that it is in 1844.”

 

13. They also said on the point of law:-

 

“In preference to discussing the purely legal question, how far the Statute of Anne. in recognising the practice, on the part of the Secretaries of State of issuing Warrants to open Letters, rendered it lawful for the Secretaries of State to issue such Warrants, Your Committee propose, so far as they have materials for that purpose, to give the history of this practice, prior and subsequent to the passing of that Statute: these materials being such as ought not to be overlooked in investigating the grounds on which the exercise of this authority rests.”

 

14. Some further extracts from the history the Committee set out may be given: -

 

(a) “It does not appear at what precise period the Crown undertook to be the regular carrier of Letters for its subjects. The Crown doubtless, found it necessary, at a very early period, to the exercise of the functions of Sovereignty, to be able to convey with speed and security its own despatches from one part of the realm to another, and from and to parts beyond the seas; and for that purpose it appointed certain messengers or runners, called the Posts. These Posts were also employed for the personal convenience of the Sovereign, and the individuals composing the Royal Court. In course of time, a Master of the Posts was appointed, and the first of these on record was Brian Tuke, Esq. ….who held that office in 1516….”

 

(b) “The practice probably began at an early period and afterwards grew into a regular custom. of allowing private persons to avail themselves of the King's Posts for transmitting their correspondence. This probably became a perquisite to the Postmasters, while, at the same time, it gave to the Ministers of State the power of narrowly inspecting the whole of the written communications of the country.”

 

15. The Committee of the House of Lords had two former Lord Chancellors as members, Lord Brougham and Lord Cottenham, and in their Report the Committee said: -

 

“The Committee have not thought it necessary to attempt to define the Grounds upon which the Government has exercised the Power afforded by public Conveyance of Letters of obtaining such Information, as might be thought beneficial for the public Service; it seems sufficient for the present Purpose to state, that the Exercise of this Power can be traced from the earliest Institutions in this Country for the Conveyance of Letters from Orders in Council of the 22nd of November, 1626 and 24th of February, 1627…. In 1657, upon the first Establishment of a regular Post Office, it was stated in the Ordinance to be the best Means to discover and prevent any dangerous and wicked Designs against the Commonwealth .... The Power, therefore, appears to have been exercised from the earliest Period, and to have been recognised by several Acts of Parliament. This appears to the Committee to be the State of the Law in respect to the detaining and opening of Letters at the Post Office and they do not find any other Authority for such detaining or opening.”

 

16. The situation with regard to the opening and detaining of letters and postal packets is substantially the same in 1957 as it was in 1844, for section 58 (1) of the Post Office Act of 1953, which is the Act now governing the opening and detaining of letters, is substantially in the same terms as the earlier statutes of 1908, 1837 and 1710.

 

17. We have made these quotations from the two important Reports of 1844, because it is clear that not only were questions of law debated in both Houses of Parliament, but both Committees considered the questions of law with great care. Both Committees recognised that the Executive had exercised the power of opening letters over a very long period of time, and neither Committee ever suggested or concluded that the exercise of the power was in any way unlawful or did they suggest in terms that the exercise of the power was the exercise of a prerogative fight of the Crown. They leaned heavily upon the Post Office statutes, although none of the statutes contain clauses conferring the power to intercept communications, but recognise the power as an existing power which it is lawful to exercise.

 

18. In view of the conflicting opinions that have been put before us on the source of the Secretary of State's power to intercept communications, we think it best to set out briefly the arguments as they were presented to us.

 

19. The first submission made was that the power of the Secretary of State to issue his warrant for the interception and opening of letters was in exercise of a prerogative right of the Crown. The Royal Prerogative has been defined as comprehending all the special liberties, privileges and powers and royalties allowed by common law. It is created and limited by the common law. Blackstone defined the Royal Prerogative in these words -

 

“Prerogative can only be applied to those rights and capacities which the King enjoys alone in contradistinction to others and not to those which he enjoys in common with any of his subjects.”

 

20. It was contended before us that the procedure of opening letters so far as it was known and set out in the Secret Committees' Reports of 1844, was such that in all respects it was proper to describe it as a prerogative right. The nature of that right was said to be a right to intercept communications. It is true that for some centuries, communications in fact were confined to letters and postal packets, but as science invented new modes of communication, such as the telegraph and the telephone, and they came into general use, it was submitted that the prerogative power to intercept communications was wide enough to include not only letters and postal packets, but every subsequent means of communication that became known and was used. The prerogative right, therefore, to intercept communications applied now to letters and telegrams and telephonic communications alike.

 

21. It would appear that the view entertained by the Home Office has always been that the power exercised by the Secretary of State is not expressly conferred by statute, but that the statutes relating to the Post Office recognise the existence of the power as a lawful power for the purpose of making it clear that no offence is committed by a person who acts in obedience to a warrant of the Secretary of State issued by him in the exercise of that power. On this view the power exercised from the very earliest times is a prerogative power to intercept, examine, and disclose for certain purposes connected with the safety of the State or the preservation of public order, any messages carried by the Crown; and this Prerogative attached to the new methods of carrying messages that were undertaken by the Crown in the nineteenth century by means of the telegraph and the telephone. It was conceded that no new Prerogatives can be created, and the prerogative power to intercept a telephone message must therefore be the same prerogative power which authorises the interception of letters.

 

22. In connection with this argument the principle must be borne in mind that, where the legislature has intervened and covered by statute. the ground covered by the Prerogative, the statute thereafter rules. But this doctrine does not seem applicable here, since there has been no intervention of this character by the legislature.

 

23. The opponents of the view that the power to intercept is a prerogative power emphasise the fact that no constitutional writer when dealing with the Royal Prerogative, mentions this particular power as being a prerogative power. In Chitty's Prerogatives of the Crown published in 1820, the learned author states that he has attempted “to present a comprehensive and connected, yet compressed and logical, view of every prerogative and corresponding right of the subject “; but nowhere is any reference made to a prerogative power of detaining and opening communications. Reliance is also placed on the doctrine laid down by Lord Camden in Entick v. Carrington, 19 State Trials 1030. In the year 1762, the Secretary of State issued a warrant directing certain persons to search for John Entick, the author of certain numbers of “The Monitor or British Freeholder” and to seize him, “together with his books and papers,” and to bring them to the Secretary of State. Certain messengers, empowered by the warrant, seized Mr. Entick in his house, and seized his papers. Entick brought an action in trespass against the messengers for seizure of his papers. The case was tried before the Lord Chief Justice and a jury, and the jury returned a special verdict, which is very lengthy, and is set out in the report of the case. If the Defendants were liable, the fury assessed the damages at £300. This special verdict was twice argued in the Court of Common Pleas at great length, and with much learning; and finally in 1765 Lord Camden delivered the elaborate judgment which was the judgment of the Court. Many questions were argued and decided, but the main question was the legality of the general warrant. Lord Camden declared that -the practice of issuing general warrants was illegal and unconstitutional. The jury found by their special verdict that the practice of issuing general warrants had been in existence for many years, but Lord Camden nevertheless denied their legality.

 

24. It was suggested that the arguments used to support the legality of general warrants before Lord Camden and his fellow judges were the same arguments used to support the prerogative power exercised by the Secretary of State to intercept communications, namely that no court of justice had ever declared the powers to be illegal, that the powers were essential to government, and the only means of quieting clamours and seditions. Lord Camden said -

 

“With respect to the practice itself, if it goes no higher, every lawyer will tell you it is much too modern to be evidence of the common law; and if it be added that these warrants ought to acquire some strength by the silence of those courts which have heard them read so often upon returns without censure or animadversion, I am able to borrow my answer to that pretence from the Court of King's Bench, which lately declared with great unanimity in the case of General Warrants that as no objection was taken to them on the returns and the matter passed sub silentio, the precedents were of no weight. I most heartily concur in that opinion....”

 

“To search, seize, and carry away all the papers of the subject on the first warrant: that such a right should have existed from the time whereof the memory of man runneth not to the contrary, and never yet have found a place in any book of law; is incredible. But if so strange a thing could be supposed, I do not see how we could declare the law upon such evidence.”

 

“If it is law it will be found in our books. If it is not to be found there it is not law.”

 

25. It was submitted in reply that there is a distinction to be drawn between the general warrants condemned by Lord Camden, and the limited, strictly governed use of the Secretary of State's warrant into the exercise of which we have been enquiring; and in this connexion we emphasise once more the exact nature of the procedure we set out in Part II of this Report.

 

26. It was further pointed out that the provisions of section 9 (I) of the Crown Proceedings Act of 1947 giving certain immunities to the Crown are inconsistent with the existence of a prerogative power for the section provides that “…no proceedings in tort shall lie against the Crown for anything done or omitted to be done in relation to a postal packet by any person while employed as a servant or agent of the Crown, or for anything done or omitted to be done in relation to a telephonic communication by any person whilst so employed; nor shall any officer of the Crown be subject, save at the suit of the Crown, to any civil liability for any of the matters aforesaid.” It may very well be that in 1947 the question of intercepting a telephone message was not in contemplation, and therefore no reference was made to a prerogative power, but the words of the section are very wide in their terms.

 

27. An alternative view was put before us which differed in some respects from the assertion of the prerogative right, but scarcely differed in substance. It was submitted that the origin of the power of the Secretary of State to intercept communications lay in a common law right which was not a part of the Prerogative, but which derived from an inherent power in the Crown to protect the realm against the misuse of postal facilities by ill-disposed persons. This common law right, it was said, continues to exist and is recognised in the Post Office statutes. No statute has enacted the power in express terms, but in addition to recognising and acknowledging the power, the statutes have indicated certain ways in which the power should be exercised, as for example, by the issue of a warrant by the Secretary of State authorising the interception to be made.

 

28. No support for this view is to be found jn any judicial pronouncement, or in any legal text book. Indeed in Chitty's Royal Prerogative in England published in 1830, the learned author says at page 66

 

“In modern times the prerogative of the Crown has been so strictly defined by law…that though the old doctrines of absolute sovereignty and transcendent domination still disfigure our law books, they are little heard of elsewhere. Occasionally however it happens that in Parliamentary discussions, assertions are hazarded of latent prerogatives in the Crown which are supposed to be inherent in the very nature of sovereignty. That such pretensions are unfounded it is not difficult to make out.”

 

29. It was said before us that this common law power which was clearly an ancient power and derived from the actions of the monarchy when seeking to safeguard the realm, was a power wide enough to cover every form of communication which might come into being at any time. This second view is difficult to distinguish from the first view save that the use of the word “Prerogative” is avoided.

 

30. A third argument was put before us, which we summarise in paragraphs 31-37, that from the earliest times the power to intercept and open letters had been in existence. Throughout many centuries the practice had continued. How it arose can only be conjectured because historical records are wanting, but that the power existed and was used permits of no doubt whatever.

 

31. The Ordinance of 1657 recited in the Preamble that one of the advantages of erecting and settling one General Post Office was that it 'c was the best means to discover and prevent many dangerous and wicked designs which have been and are daily contrived against the peace and welfare of the Commonwealth, the intelligence whereof cannot well be communicated but by letter of escript.” One of the principal objects of that Ordinance, it was suggested, was to prohibit persons other than the Postmaster-General from conveying letters, and the public reference to “discovering many dangerous and wicked designs “would seem to throw some light on the probable origin of the power. The Act of Parliament of 1660 followed the Ordinance of 1657 and agreed mutatis mutandis with its content. The Proclamation of 1663 prohibiting the opening of letters save by the warrant of the Secretary of State would seem to imply that it was not unlawful to open a letter before that Proclamation, otherwise the prohibition would have been superfluous.

The object of the legislation of 1657 and 1660 was to create a monopoly for the Crown and to ensure that the letters would be carried by persons appointed or licensed by the Crown, with the object of enabling the Crown to inspect the contents of the letters carried. It was also pointed out that in none of these public declarations was there any assertion of the Royal Prerogative. The origin of the power to intercept letters, on this view, was the result of the creation of a monopoly, created and developed for this among other purposes; and the opening and detaining of letters by the Crown took place not because of any prerogative right, but upon the footing that those who entrusted their letters to the Posts would render them open to inspection at the wish of the Crown. It is of course understandable how this power should be referred to as a Prerogative, because the Crown alone could exercise the power; but, however the power is described, it was said that from the 17th century at least it cannot be doubted that the power to open letters has been lawfully exercised by the Crown.

 

32. In 1710, an Act was passed “for establishing a General Post Office for all Her Majesty's Dominions, etc.”and again it was enacted by section 40 “that no person…shall presume to open detain, or delay…any…Letter after same is or shall be delivered into the General or other Post Office…except by an express Warrant in Writing under the Hand of one of the Principal Secretaries of State for every such opening, detaining, or delaying…”

 

33. Section 58 (I) of the Post Office Act, 1953 provides-

 

“If any officer of the Post Office, contrary to his duty, opens…any postal packet in course of transmission by post, or wilfully detains or delays…any such postal packet, he shall be guilty of a misdemeanour….Provided that nothing in this section shall extend to the opening, detaining or delaying of a postal packet returned for want of a true direction, or returned by reason that the person to whom it is directed has refused it, or has refused or neglected to pay the postage thereof, or that the packet cannot for any other reason be delivered, or to the opening, detaining or delaying of a postal packet under the authority of this Act or in obedience to an express warrant in writing under the hand of a Secretary of State.”

 

34. Postal packet is defined in section 87 (1) as meaning-

 

“A letter, postcard, reply postcard, newspaper, printed packet, sample packet, or parcel, and every packet or article transmissible by post, and includes a telegram.”

 

35. Section 58 of the Act of 1953 reproduces section 56 of the Post Office Act, 1908 which reproduces section 25 of the Post Office (Offences) Act. 1837 which in return re-enacted without material amendment section 40 of the Post Office (Revenue) Act of 1710.

 

36. The legal position since 1710 and now is that an officer of the Post Office who opens. delays or detains a postal packet commits an offence unless it is his duty to do so, or one of the conditions mentioned in the section as justifying his conduct is satisfied. It is a defence to show that the letter was opened, delayed or detained on the authority of the Secretary of State's warrant.

 

37. As telegrams are postal packets for the purposes of the Post Office Act of 1953, and are telegraphic messages for the purposes of the Telegraph Act of 1869 by virtue of section 3, it is an offence for an officer of the Post Office to open delay or detain “a telegram in course of transmission by post unless it is his duty so to do, or the opening, &c., is authorised by the warrant of the Secretary of State, or ii is justified on one or other of the grounds mentioned in section 58 (I) of the Post Office Act, 1953.

 

38. We have thought it right to set out at some length the different Views which were expressed to us by high legal authorities. We recognise that we have no authority ourselves to decide between these conflicting views and to declare the Jaw. We have been impressed by the fact that many Secretaries of State in many Administrations for many years past have acted upon the view that the power to intercept communications was in the nature of a prerogative power. It had never been thought necessary for any statute to confer the right, but all the statutes had recognised the right as an existing right at the time of their enactment. It was beyond doubt that the power bad existed independently of the statutes its precise origin alone remaining in doubt.

 

39. If the problem confronting us had merely been concerned with letters, we should have been inclined to follow the example of the two Secret Committees in 1844 and to say that there can be no doubt whatever of these things-

 

(a)     The power to intercept letters and postal packets and to disclose their contents and otherwise to make use of them had been used and frequently used through many centuries.

(b)     Such a power existed and was exercised widely and publicly known as the debates in the House of Commons and the House of Lords plainly showed.

(c)     At no time had it been suggested with any authority that the exercise of the power was unlawful.

 

But we recognise that the chief controversy which resulted in the setting up of the present committee was concerned with the interception of telephone messages, and therefore we do not feel able to leave the matters in question quite as the two Secret Committees were able to do.

 

40. The power to intercept telephone messages has been exercised in this country from time to time since the introduction of the telephone; and until the year 1937, the Post Office acted upon the view that the power, which the Crown exercised in intercepting telephone messages, was a power possessed by any other operator of telephones and was not contrary to law. No warrants by the Secretary of State were therefore issued, and any arrangements for the interception of telephone conversations were made directly between the Security Service or the Po)ice Authorities and the Director-General of the Post Office.

 

41. In 1937 the position was reviewed by the Home Secretary and the Postmaster-General and it was then decided, as a matter of policy, that it was undesirable that records of telephone conversations should be made by Post Office servants and disclosed to the Police or to the Security Service without the authority of the Secretary of State. Apart from thinking that the former practice was undesirable, the Home Office was of opinion that the power on which they had acted to intercept letters and telegrams on the authority of a warrant issued by the Secretary of State, was wide enough in its nature to include the interception of telephone messages also. It was accordingly decided to act on this view of the law; and it has since been the practice of the Post Office to intercept telephone conversations only on the express warrant of the Secretary of State. that is, upon the authority which had already been recognised in the statutes to which we have referred dealing with letters and telegrams.

 

42. If it be said that a prerogative right could not extend to the interception of telephone conversations. because telephones were undreamt of when the prerogative power was first taken and exercised, reference should be made to the case of In re a Petition of Right, 1915 3 K.B. 659 in the Court of Appeal (Cozens-Hardy, M. R.. Pickford and Warrington L.JJ), when Lord Cozens-Hardy said in affirming the judgement of Avory J .

 

“If it be said that the prerogative right cannot extend to an aerodrome because aeroplanes were unknown in the reign of Richard I., I think that the answer is to be found in the somewhat analogous case of Mercer v. Denne (1905) 2 Ch. 538, 585, where this Court held that a customary right to' cutch ' fishing nets was not limited to materials known in the reign of Richard I., but extended to drying nets with suitable materials. So the prerogative applies to what is reasonably necessary for preventing and repelling invasion at the present time, regard being had to the invention of gunpowder and the use of aeroplanes in warfare.”

 

Warrington L.J. said

 

“The circumstances under which the power may be exercised and the particular acts which may be done in the exercise thereof must of necessity vary with the times and the advance of military science…”

 

43. The prerogative power in question in that case was the power to take lands without compensation for the purposes of the Defence of the Realm, but if in the question we have to consider, the existence of a prerogative power to intercept all communications was established, the objection that the telephone was a modern invention would not defeat the application of the power.

 

44. But if the view accepted and followed by the Home Office for many years is rejected, then it was submitted that the power to intercept telephone messages was governed by special considerations which were somewhat different from those that govern the question of letters and telegrams. If there be no prerogative power governing all communications, and thus including telephonic communications and if there be no power at common law to the like effect, then the only relevant statutory reference to be considered, would be section 20 of the Telegraph Act of 1868.

 

45. The material words of the section are-

 

“Any person having official duties connected with the Post Office or acting on behalf of the Postmaster-General, who shall, contrary to his duty, disclose or in any way make known or intercept the contents or any part of the contents of any telegraphic messages or any message entrusted to the Postmaster-General for the purpose of transmission, shall in England and in Ireland be guilty of a misdemeanour…and the Postmaster-General shall make regulations to carry out the intentions of this section, and to prevent “the improper use of any person in his employment or acting on his behalf of any knowledge he may acquire of the contents of any telegraphic message.”

 

46. No regulations have in fact been made under this section. It is a little difficult to think that the word “intercept” in section 20 of the Act of 1868 contemplated the listening in to telephone conversations for the telephone exchange was only instituted in England in 1879 and then there were only seven or eight subscribers.

 

47. In the case of the Attorney-General v. Edison Telephone Company, IB80 6 Q.B.D. p. 244, it was held that a telephone conversation is a “telegraphic communication” for the purposes of the Telegraph Acts, though at the time of the decision the question of listening into or intercepting a telephone message was not being considered.

 

48. In view of the decision, however, it was argued that by reason of section 20 of the Telegraph Act of 1868 it was open to the Postmaster-General to instruct post office officials and those acting on his behalf to listed in, to record and disclose telephone conversations, just as he had the power to intercept, disclose and make known the contents of a telegram. It was also argued that the fact that it is not now the practice for the Postmaster-General to give any such instructions except on the authority of the Secretary of State's warrant had no legal significance.

 

49. If this argument is rejected, then it was submitted that, so far as the interception of telephone messages is concerned, reliance could be placed on the doctrine followed until 1937 that the Post Office was entitled to intercept and that it was not unlawful to do so, and that in any event the provisions of the Crown Proceedings Act made the Post Office immune from any legal action for any acts relating to die telephone.

 

50. We should not be happy to feel that so important a power as the power to intercept telephone messages rested on either of the grounds set out in paragraphs 44-49. We favour the view that it rests upon the power plainly recognised by the Post Office statutes as existing before the enactment of the statutes, by whatever name the power is described.

 

51. We are therefore of the opinion that the state of the law might fairly be expressed in this way.

 

(a)     The power to intercept letters has been exercised from the earliest times, and has been recognised in successive Acts of Parliament.

(b)     This power extends to telegrams.

(c)     It is difficult to resist the view that if there is a lawful power to intercept communications in the form of letters and telegrams, then it is wide enough to cover telephone communications as well.

 

52. If, however, it should be thought that the power to intercept telephone messages was left in an uncertain state that was undesirable, it would be for Parliament to consider what steps ought to be taken to remove all uncertainty if the practice is to continue. So far as letters and telegrams are concerned, the provisions of the Post Office Act of 1953 appear to have worked in practice without any difficulty. If it were thought necessary, a suitable amendment to that section of the Act of 1953 would remove doubts whether telephonic communications were in the same position as letters and telegrams.

 

 

PART II

 

PURPOSE, USE AND EXTENT OF THE POWER OF INTERCEPTION

 

I. Purpose

 

53. We were further instructed under our terms of reference “to consider and report upon the exercise by the Secretary of State of the executive power to intercept communications and, in particular, ... to what extent and for what purposes this power has been exercised and to what use information so obtained has been put.”

 

54. The exercise by the Secretary of State of the executive power to intercept communications is by warrant under his own hand (and in the case of Scotland under the hand of the Secretary of State for Scotland). If either of these Secretaries of State were ill or absent the power would be exercised on his behalf by another Secretary of State: but this has very rarely happened,

 

55. It is to-day the invariable practice that the interception of communications is carried out only on the authority of one or other of these two Secretaries of State (see paragraph 41 above).

 

56. The warrant of the Secretary of State sets out the name and address or telephone number of the persons whose communications are to be intercepted. On occasion, a single warrant has been issued in the past to cover a number of names. We think this practice is undesirable. In our opinion each warrant should in future specify the name and address or telephone number of the person who is the subject of the warrant.

 

57. The Secretary of State has to satisfy himself on the facts of each particular case that it is proper to issue his warrant. In practice the principle on which the Secretary of State acts is that the purposes for which communications may be intercepted must be either for the detection of serious crime or for the safeguarding of the security bf the State.

 

58. We discuss first the procedure in relation to crime. Changing circumstances during the past twenty years have made some acts serious offences that were not previously so regarded. For instance, during a.

for a period after the last war, breaches of food regulations were for a time serious offences. After the war, exchange control was introduced to protect the nation's gold and dollar reserves and attempts to contravene ill provisions are still regarded as serious offences.

 

59. On the other hand, some offences which had previously been considered serious enough to justify warrants for the interception of communications have ceased to be so regarded. The interception of letters* to prevent the transmission or illegal lottery material began in 1909 but was abandoned in November 1953. The main grounds for the decision to cease interception for this purpose were, we were told, doubts about its efficacy and the feeling that, owing to the changed public attitude towards lotteries, it was no longer necessary or appropriate to use this power for this particular purpose.

 

60. In the 1930's considerable numbers of warrants were issued for the interception of letters, mainly passing to or from places abroad, believed contain obscene and indecent matter. The number of warrants steadily declined after the war and none has been issued in the last two and a half years. We were informed that one of the main reasons for this was not any doubt as to the efficacy of methods of interception in this case but a growing reluctance to use the expedient of interception for this particular purpose.

 

61. The issue of warrants for the interception of letters in connection with offences under the Dangerous Drugs Acts began in 1922. After the war the number of warrants sharply declined and no warrants have been issued since early in 1956. This coincided with a decline in the traffic in drugs. The Department of the Home Office concerned with the administration of the Dangerous Drugs Acts and with duties under the International Narcotics Conventions is of the opinion that it might again become necessary to intercept letters in the discharge of its statutory and international obligations.

 

62. Since the Secretary of State's discretion is absolute he may issue a warrant for the interception of communications to any person, authority, agency or Department of State; but in fact such warrants have been granted to a limited number of authorities. We set out in Appendix II a list of all die authorities to whom warrants have been issued over the past twenty years.

 

63. The great majority of warrants for interception for the purpose of the detection of crime have been, and are now granted to the Metropolitan Police and Board of Customs and Excise. In what we say below about the interception of communications for the detection of crime, we confine our observations to these two authorities. For the sake of brevity we sometimes refer to them as the “Police” and the “Customs.”

 

64. The principles on which the Home Office acts in deciding whether to grant an application for a warrant to intercept communications for the detection of crime were first reduced to writing in letters in similar terms sent to the Metropolitan Police and Customs in September 1951. These letters were occasioned by a recent increase in the number of applications and an increase in the number rejected by the Home Office. It was stated in these letters that the procedure of interception was “an inherently objectionable one,” that “the power to stop letters and intercept telephone calls must be used with great caution,” and that it must be regarded as “an exceptional method.” In particular, three conditions were laid down both for the Police and for the Customs that must be satisfied before a warrant could be issued.

 

These were:

(a) The offence must be really serious.

(b) Normal methods of investigation must have been tried and failed, or must from the nature of things, be unlikely to succeed if tried.

(c) There must be good reason to think that an interception would result in a conviction.

 

65. It was indicated in the letter to the Police that what the Home Office regarded as “serious crime” were offences for which a man with no previous record could reasonably be expected to be sentenced to three years' imprisonment, or offences of lesser gravity in which a large number of people were involved.

 

66. The type of crime that the Customs seek to detect is necessarily somewhat different from the violent crime with which the Metropolitan police is mainly concerned. The definition of “serious crime” upon which the Home Office acts when considering the issue of warrants to the Customs is that “the case involves a substantial and continuing fraud which would seriously damage the revenue or the economy of the country if it went unchecked.”

 

67. The arrangements concerning the issue of warrants to the Security Service are similar, but the objectives of the Security Service are different from those of the Police or Customs. The Home Office considers each case. The principles governing the issue of warrants to the Security Service can be stated in these terms: -

 

(a) There must be a major subversive or espionage activity that is likely to injure the national interest.

 

(b) The material likely to be obtained by interception must be of diced use in compiling the information that is necessary to the Security Service in carrying out the tasks laid upon it by the State.

 

68. The same provision applies to the Security Service as to the Customs and Police about the failure of normal means of detection. But less stress is laid on the need to secure convictions, since the Security Service is primarily concerned with safeguarding the State and keeping itself informed about dangers to its security. Besides securing convictions, the Security Service has the duty to keep up to date its information covering espionage and subversion and to inform Ministers and Departments of State about security matters that concern them.

.

69. The Metropolitan Police, the Customs and Excise and the Security Service have adopted policies and internal procedures designed to ensure that warrants are sought only when they satisfy the appropriate conditions laid down by the Home Office. The request for a warrant can be sent to the Home Office only by the Chief of the authority concerned or his deputy.

 

70. All applications for warrants to intercept communications for the detection of crime are considered by senior officers in the Criminal Department of the Home Office, who, if they approve the application, submit it to the Permanent Under-Secretary of State, who, if he considers that sufficient case has been made out, submits the application to the Secretary of State for his personal decision. Applications for warrants sought by the Security Service go in the first place direct to the Permanent Under-Secretary. All the Secretaries of State who appeared before us said that they gave close personal consideration to every request for a warrant submitted to them. If the procedure that has been laid down is faithfully followed, there are likely to be very few applications that need to be rejected and this was in fact confirmed by the evidence.

 

71. Close supervision over the use of methods of interception is maintained by the Home Office. There is a quarterly review of outstanding warrants by the Permanent Under-Secretary. At this review, or earliest if the Home Office thinks that warrants have not been cancelled after a reasonable period, the authorities concerned are sent for and asked to make a case for their continuance. Not only are individual warrants reviewed in this manner but also the number of warrants in operation. We have already referred to the letters sent by the Home Office in 1951 to the Metropolitan Police and Customs (above paragraph 64). A further letter was sent to the Metropolitan Police in April 1956 drawing attention to the increase in the figures of warrants granted during the previous five years and emphasising the need to keep applications to a minimum. This led to the adoption by the Metropolitan Police of a new and more effective system of review which reduced the average duration of warrants and brought about an increase ii the proportion of arrests to interceptions.

 

72. The Customs have a regular quarterly review of all outstanding warrants individually. A similar review is undertaken by the Security Service every six months. Since 1956 the Metropolitan Police has instituted a weekly review every Monday. All these authorities cancel warrants when they are considered to be of no further use without waiting for their own regular review of outstanding warrants.

 

73. The authority concerned, when an interception is no longer needed, immediately instructs the Post Office to discontinue the interception. The Customs and Police inform the Home Office forthwith and ask for the formal cancellation of the warrant. The Security Service does this only at three-monthly intervals. We should point out that despite this variation of practice we have found no evidence of interceptions being kept on longer than was thought necessary for the case in hand.

 

74. We feel that the outstanding warrants should be reviewed more frequently. We therefore recommend that there should be a regular review not less than once a month both by the Home Office and by every authority that is granted a warrant to intercept. This review should be not only of the numbers of warrants outstanding, but of each particular warrant.

 

75. We recommend that warrants should no longer be valid until they are cancelled, but that their validity should be for a defined period that appears on their face. Normally this should be for a period no longer than a month and in no case should it be for a period longer than two months. If an extension of the validity of the warrant is desired, the reasons for this should be sent to the Home Office for their consideration before any extension is approved.

 

76. We recommend that when a warrant for the interception of communications is cancelled by the authority to whom it was issued, this cancellation should be forthwith reported to the Home Office.

 

77. The Secret Committee of the House of Lords in its Report of 1844 thought that “a more detailed account than is already kept of the grounds upon which each warrant is granted would frequently have the effect of leaving in the Office a grave accusation, without affording an opportunity of Reply or Defence.”

 

78. But we are of opinion that the keeping of full and accurate records is a necessary part of any procedure to ensure that the use to which interception may be put is effectively controlled. The Home Office records of warrants issued for the detection of crime are reasonably full. Each case is separately recorded in a file. These all contain the ground on which the warrant was issued, a copy of the warrant itself and the date of its cancellation.

 

79. We think that in one or two respects the procedure could be improved. For example we found that in some cases part of the consultations between the Home Office and the authority seeking or in possession of a warrant had been oral, and had not been recorded. In a few cases there was no precise record of the usefulness or otherwise of the interception. There were no records of the rejection by the Home Office of applications for warrants.

 

80. Until 1947 the Home Office kept a card index of names and addresses showing alphabetically by name and geographically by area all the warrants issued for security purposes. In 1947, at the suggestion of the Security Service, which was disturbed by the existence of these records in the Home Office, all of them were destroyed and no complete records were kept thereafter except for the serial numbers of the warrants issued. From 1954 the covering minutes were also preserved-we examined a number of them. These minutes contain very brief summaries of the reasons for the issue of each warrant.

 

81. The Metropolitan Police destroyed all warrants between 1937 and 1946 upon their cancellation, and the same practice was followed from 19461-953, except that a bare record was kept of the number of interceptions authorised by the Secretary of State. Detailed records exist only room 1953. The Security Service also destroyed detailed records before 1952 although it kept figures of the numbers of warrants issued. It was not possible to discover the exact number of interceptions in earlier years, but only the number of warrants issued; the discrepancy between these two figures would, however, be very small indeed.

 

82. We wish to emphasise that none of the matters referred to in the three preceding paragraphs has in practice affected the strict control of the use of the power to intercept communications.

 

83. Arrangements to keep fuller and more uniform records were made early in 1957 by the Home Office before our inquiry was announced. We were informed that, since our inquiry started, the Home Office has worked out an elaborate system for keeping records on a uniform basis, both for security purposes and for the detection of crime.

 

84. It is not necessary that such secret records should be kept in a number of different places. but they should be preserved in one secure place. We therefore recommend that full records should be kept in the Home Office showing in each particular case

(a)     The ground on which the warrant is applied for,

(b)     A note of any subsequent decisions concerning the warrant.

(c)     A copy of the warrant issued or, alternatively, a note that the application has been rejected.

(d)     A record of the date of the cancellation of the warrant and the reason therefore.

 

These records should be preserved for a reasonable time by the Home Office. Before any warrants or any records relating to them are destroyed by the authority to whom the warrants were issued, the Home Office should be consulted.

 

85. It has been urged in some quarters that the authority for the issue of warrants for interception should not be left exclusively in the hands of the Secretary of State. The chief suggested alternatives that have come to our attention are that the Home Secretary should be assisted by an Advisory Committee or that warrants should be issued only on a sworn information before magistrates or a High Court judge.

 

86. In our opinion, neither of these proposals would improve matters. If a number of magistrates or judges had the power to issue such warrants, the control of the use to which methods of interception can be put would be weaker than under the present system. It might very well prove easier in practice to obtain warrants. Moreover, it would be harder to keep and collate records. If an Advisory Committee were set up this would, at the best, leave things as at present because the ultimate discretion would still lie with the Secretary of State; at the worst it would tend to weaken the sense of responsibility of the Secretary of State, and might lead to a loosening of the principles, the strict maintenance of which is the chief means of ensuring that interception of communications is limited to the uses for which it is intended.

 

87. One exceptional purpose for which the Secretary of State issues warrants for the interception of communications is the stopping and returning of letters to the sender. This power has tong been exercised and was referred to by the Secret Committee of the House of Commons of 1844 in their Report.

Beyond stating that some doubt existed how far this could lawfully be done and giving the number of such warrants issued as 7 over a period of 45 years they made no further comment or recommendation.

 

88. In recent years this power has been exercised somewhat more frequently, but still on a very small scale. From 1946-57 there were 28 cases in all. We have examined all these cases in detail and have found that, in all but one or two instances warrants were issued only on the grounds of a major public interest.

 

89. It seems to us that the interception of letters for this purpose falls into quite a distinct category in that no one suffers any damage if a sender's own letter is returned to him. There might, however, be administrative difficulties if the interception of letters at the sender's request became a general practice: We therefore feel that this power should be exercised only m .cases where in the opinion of the Secretary of State a clear public interest is involved.

 

90. As a result of our inquiry into the purposes for which warrants authorising the interception of communications are issued. we are satisfied that Secretaries of State and all the officials and authorities concerned have taken, and continue to take, scrupulous care to ensure the strict observance of the purposes to which it is intended by the Home Office that the interception of communications should be directed and confined.

 

2. The Marrinan Case

 

91. Since it was the warrant of the then Secretary of State, giving power to intercept the telephone communications of one. Billy Hill. which gave rise to what is now known as the Marrinan case. we have felt it right to consider that case with great care so far as it would appear to be relevant to our inquiry.

 

92. It has been the settled policy of the Home Office that, save in the most exceptional cases. information obtained by the interception of communications should be used only for the purposes of detection, and not as evidence in a Court or in any other Inquiry.

 

93. We have listened to the evidence of the Attorney-General.

Sir Reginald Manningham-Buller; to Sir Hartley Shawcross, the Chairman of the Bar Council; and to Viscount Tenby, who was the Secretary of State at the relevant time.

 

94. It will be convenient to set out a summary of the principal dates: -

 

(1)     On the '9th October, 1956, reports appeared in certain newspapers of a case tried at the Central Criminal Court, where it was alleged that a barrister had obstructed the police when they were acting in the course of their duty in Dublin.

(2)     On the 17th October, Mr.Boulton, the secretary of the Bar Council, wrote for information to Mr. R. E. Seaton, the counsel who had prosecuted in the case, and in the meantime Mr. Seaton himself had informed the Attorney-General of the circumstances.

(3)     On the 26th October the Attorney General brought to the notice of the Bar Council the alleged professional misconduct on the part of Mr. Marrinan.

(4)     On the 20th November Mr. Boulton wrote to Mr. R. L. Jackson, the Assistant Commissioner of Police in charge of the Criminal Investigation Department. to ask him whether any information was available about Mr. Marrinan’s alleged unprofessional conduct.

(5)     On the 26th November Mr. Jackson was authorised by the Home Secretary to show to Sir Hartley Shawcross personally, as Chairman of the Bar Council, the material obtained in June and July 1956 in the course of the interception of the telephone line of Billy Hill.

(6)     On the 12th December Mr. Boulton, in Sir Hartley Shawcross's absence abroad, called upon Mr. Jackson. He appears to have been regarded as the personal representative of Sir Hartley Shawcross rather than the~ secretary of the Bar Council, for he was shown a copy of the transcript of the intercepted telephone conversations. Mr. Jackson was not present at that interview, but on the 18th December he showed the transcript of the intercepted telephone conversations to Sir Hartley Shawcross, and told him that if he thought it necessary to show it to other people, Sir Hartley should himself seek the authority of the Home Secretary so to do. He informed Sir Hartley Shawcross in some detail of the view of the Police about the character and activities of Billy Hill. Sir Hartley was informed that Mr. Marrinan was believed to be acting improperly in concert with Hill in certain matters, well knowing him to be a criminal, and that Scotland Yard had been interested in the activities of Mr. Marrinan for some considerable time.

(7)     Sir Hartley informed the Assistant Commissioner of Police that the intercepts of the telephone conversations would be valueless to him unless he had permission to show them to the members of the Bar Council who were inquiring into the conduct of Mr. Marrinan, and also to the Benchers of Lincoln's Inn who might be inquiring into Mr. Marrinan's conduct, and also to Mr. Marrinan himself.

(8)     Accordingly Sir Hartley Shawcross on the same day (the 18th December) wrote to ask for the Home Secretary's authority to disclose the transcripts of the interceptions to the persons mentioned in (7) above.

(9)     On the 20th December, 1956, a letter was sent to Sir Hartley Shawcross by the Permanent Under-Secretary of State on behalf of the Home Secretary giving to Sir Hartley the authority he had sought.

 

95. There can be no doubt that the actions of Sir Hartley Shawcross and Viscount Tenby were wholly governed by considerations of the public interest.

 

96. Apart from the evidence contained in the telephone intercepts, there was a good deal of additional evidence in Sir Hartley's possession concerning Mr. Marrinan which in Sir Hartley's view directly affected the integrity of the Bar and the proper administration of justice. He was aware that in some other countries the improper association of members of the legal profession with avowed criminals was known to exist, and that this association was for the purpose of assisting criminals in their unlawful activities, and was highly injurious to the proper administration of justice. It was for these reasons that he decided to ask the Secretary of State to disclose the telephone intercepts to him and to his colleagues on the Bar Council, and to permit him to show them to the Benchers of Lincoln's Inn who were concerned with the professional conduct of Mr. Marrinan as a member of Lincoln's Inn. and also to Mr. Marrinan himself. He did this, he insisted before us, because he thought the integrity of the Bar was of vital importance to the proper administration of justice in this country; and as Chairman of the Bar Council he felt that a special responsibility lay upon him to preserve this integrity, and he regarded the administration of justice as being one of the most important public functions exercised in the State, and the peculiar care of the Home Office.

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